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VACLAV BLA2EK INDO-EUROPEAN KINSHIP TERMS IN *-&TER It was Andrew Sihler (toget

VACLAV BLA2EK INDO-EUROPEAN KINSHIP TERMS IN *-&TER It was Andrew Sihler (together with Warren Cowgill) who has (have) determined the kinship terms in *-$2ter (1988, 558-59), differing them from the nomina agentis in *-ter. Let us recapitulate the most important forms (see Brugmann 2.1, 331-35): *b hriter- = *b hre&ter- "brother" 01 bhritar-: nom. sg. bhrita, acc. sg. bhrataram etc., Pkt bhaa, bhai(a)- & bhau(a)-, Hindi bhm, ASkun bra, Waigali bra, Tirahi bra, pi. brare, Khowar brar etc. (Turner 1966, # 9661); Av bratar-: nom. sg. (Gatha) brata, (late) brata, acc. sg. (late) brataram, gen. sg. (late) bradro; OPers nom. sg. brata "brother" (Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 151), ZorPhl brat / bratar, Pers biradar, Knot bratar-, Sogd flr'tfrt), Khwar firad, MParth (Turfan) br'd(r), Baluci brat, Kurdic bora, Pa§to wror, Yidgha vrai, Wakhi varit, Sugni varid, Yazgulami vred, pi. vradar, Sarikoli vrod id., vrador "related brother", ISkaSim vrud, Wakhi vriit, Rosani virod, pi. virddar, Munjan Vroy, Yaghnobi virot, Osset "rvad / aervades "brother, relative", cf. the Sarmatian personal name BpaSoxoi; < *brataka- (Abaev 1973, 437-38; Bailey 1979, 313; EWAI I, 280) || ? Lydian brafra- "(ppdxpa", brafrli- " < p p & T ( D p " (Gusmani 1964, 85 after Hass) and / or vrato-/ vratu- "brother" < *b hrato-, cf. OChSl bratb "brother" (Georgiev 1984, 15-16; accepted by Neumann 1991, 64, fn. 6) || Arm elbair, gen. etbaur "brother" < *rb° < *br° < *b hrater, gen. *b hratrds \\ late Phryg dat. sg. ppaxepe (Haas 1966, 103); 'Mysian' (Uyucek) dat.-instr. braterais (cf. Lith vilkaTs, see Georgiev 1977, 201, fn. 3; really perhaps also Phryg, so G. Neumann quoted by Kati£i6 1976, 150, fn. 259) || Gr Attic (ppaxnp, (pparmp, Doric (ppaxf(p "Mitglied einer (ppatpia (Sippe, Bruderschaft)", Ionian (ppfixnp- aSeX.(p6q (Hesych.) (Chantraine in, 1226) || Illyrian Ppcr a8eX(poi, x>ii6 'HXeicov ['IXeiojv cod.; Hesych.] (cf. Krahe 1955, 44; Katicic 1976, 171) || Venetic <v>hratere.i "fratn" (Lejeune 1974, 18) || Lat frater "brother", Osc fratrum, Umb fratrum "fratrum", nom. pi. frateer < *°er-es; cf. also the velar extension in Umb nom. sg. fratrexs < *°trikos (Meiser 1986, 59, 134) || Gaul (Nens-Les-Baines, Allier) man's name Bratronos (Lambert 1994, 105), Welsh brawd(r), pi. brodyr & brodorion, OCorn broder, MBret breuzr, Bret breur, pi. breudeur; cf. also Welsh brodor "club-member"; Olr brithir, brithair, gen. brathar "brother" < *°ter, °tros (Vendryes 1980, B-80-81) || Goth bropar, OIc brodir, OEng bropor, OHG bruoder id. || Lith broterelis, shortened in brdlis etc., dial. voc. bra (Fraenkel 1962, 59-60), Latv b(r)alis "Bruderchen", bratantis "lieber Bruder"; OPr brati 24 (Ench 45,3), hrote "brother" (EV 173) < *brate < *b hrater; bratrikai "brothers" (Ench 55,36) < *bratrlkai (Toporov 1975, 247-49) || OChSl bratn, (-r- preserved thanks to the oblique forms of the type *b hratf; Hamp 1996, 140 proposes a starting point *b hratros) & bratb (with a regular loss of -r, perhaps from nom. *b hrater > *brati = OPr brati, cf. *dbkti "daughter", *mati < *°ter ) id. (Saur, ESJS 2, 77; Hamp 1992, 13-14) || Toch A pracar, dual pratri, B procer, acc.protar id. < ¥'ter/ 0trqi (Adams 1999,422; generally Pokomy 1959,163-64). The best etymological analysis was proposed by Parvulescu (1996) who presents serious arguments for a derivation of this etymon from IE *b her- "to give birth". *ctug$2ter- "daughter" 01 duhitar-: nom. sg. duhiti, acc. sg. duhitaram etc., Pali duhita- & dtutar-, °ta-, Pkt duhia-, Hindi dfu, dhiya, Gypsy (Persian) dTfur, ASkun zu, Kati Ju, Khowar fur, KalasaJhur, Torwali dhu, Waigali zu, ju, lur, Prasun lust < *duj[h]ita(r) etc. (Hamp 1970, 229-30; generally Turner 1966, # 6481); Av dugodar- & duySar-: nom. sg. (Gatha) dug 3da, (late) duySa, acc. sg. (late) duySarsm, gen. pi. (Gatha) dug'dram, (late) duySram (Hoffmann & Forssman 1996, 151-152), OPers *duxgl-, (M)Pers duxt / duxtar, Khot dutar-, Khwar Syd (*duxta), BudSogd Swyh, Yaghnobi duxtar (< Pers), Pa§to lur, Yidgha luydo, Munjan loyda, Sangle&i wuSsyS, ISkasim wuduyd, Wakhi Soyd, Yazgulami Soyd, pi. Sodar id., Ormuri dua, duka, Paraci dut, Baluii dutag id., cf. the Sasanian inscription of Sahpur I: Parth dwxtkyh = Pers dwxtk = Gr SODKTOK, Osset Iron xo-dygd "sister-in-law", lit. "sister-*daughter" or "house-daughter" (Bailey 1979, 160; EWAI I, 737; Abaev 1989, 209-10) || HierLuw (Tell Ahmar, 9th cent. BC) FUAAtu-wa/i-tara/i-na (Hawkins 1978, 114), CunLuw SALduttriiatti-, cf. the source-name ^'Duuattrinna- and the personal names in Isaurian Towixpiq and Pisidian Acmapi (Starke 1980, 77 & 1987, 256; Melchert 1993b, 238), Lycian kbatra- "daughter" (Melchert 1993a, 33); ? Lydian datro- (Georgiev 1984, 16-17 after Bossert; rejected by Starke as unconvincing) || Arm dowstr, gen. dster "daughter" < *ducH?er < *ctugHtdr (Hamp 1970, 230-31) || Gr GvydTip, acc. G^yaxepa, already in Myc nom. sg. tu-ka-te-qe = fugater-We, dat. sg. tu-ka-te-re = °trei, dat. pi. tu-ka-ta-si = "tpi (Chantraine 1968, 444-45; Aura Jorro 1993, 374) || Osc futir, dat. sg. fu(u)trei (Fonte Romito A4, B5; see Eichner 1993, 82-83) < *Jutir < *fuhtir < *fugutir < *fugatir (Szemerenyi 1977, 22, fn. 77) || Gaul (Larzac) duxtir < *°er (Lambert 1994, 61, 168); ? Celtib (Third bronze of Botorrita 111-24, n-39) gen. sg. tuateros & nom. pi. tuate[r]es (Beltran, Hoz & Untermann 1996, 119; otherwise Lambert, see de Bernardo Stempel 1996-97, 92, fn. 4); Olr ter-, der-, proclitic dar- 'a component of early Irish women's names', derivable from the expected form +ducht(a)ir where the first syllable was dropped, perhaps for its homonymity with the prefix *do-/*du- "bad" (Hamp 1975, 39-40; following 25 O'Brien, Celtica 3[1956], 178-79); de Bernardo Stempel (1996-97, 92-94) finds this etymon fossilized in the mythological name Dechtir, the daughter of Conchobar, comparing it with K6pn, the daughter of Demeter, lit. "girl"; in the change of the vowel of the first syllable she sees an influence of dech "best", admitting Hamp's explanation too || Goth dauhtar; NWGmc nom. pi. dohtriz (Tune, Norway, 400 AD), OIc dottir, OEng dohtor, OSax dohter, OHG tohter || Lith dukte, gen. duktefs, OPr duckti (Ench 43,32), besides Lith dukra & diikre & diminutive dukrele; cf. also Lith podukte & podukra, -e = OPr poducre "Stieftochter" = Rpadcerica id. (Fraenkel 1962, 110, 636) || SI *dbkti > OChSl dbsti, gen. dbstere id. (Valcakova, ESJS 3, 160-61) || Toch A ckacar, B tkacer, gen. tkatre, acc. tkatar id. < *°ter, °tros, °trm (Adams 1999, 312; generally Pokorny 1959, 277; Mann 1984-87, 217-18). The Fenno-Volgaic parallels as Finnish tytar, Vepsian, Estonian ttitar, Livonian tiidar "daughter" | Erzya- Mordvinian tehtef, teitef, MokSa-Mordvinian stir "id., girl"; ? Mari iidiir, iiSsr id. are probably borrowed from Baltic (Thomsen 1890, 167). A key to etymology could be sought in Goth ga-dauka "member of a household" (only acc. pi. gadaukans in 1C 1.16, see Lehmann 1986, 135), implying *ctugg2ter- (Szemer^nyi 1977, 22) and not +ctug h$2ter-, proposed in recent time e.g. by Parvulescu (1993), the author of the excellent discussion of this etymon. *gem$2ter- "son-in-law" OI jamatir- "Tochtermann, Schwiegersohn", Pkt jamau-, Hindi jamal etc., besides Gypsy (European) Jamutro, Kasmiri zamatur", and further Askun & Waigali zami, Kati zama, Dameli zama, Prasun wwf (Turner 1966, # 5198); Av zamatar- id. (-a- in the second syllable after matar- "mother"), ZorPhl damat, Pers damad, Balu&i zamaB, ManSogd pi. z'mt'yty, Sangleci zsmuS, Yidgha zamai, PaSto zum, Munjan zamo, Para5i zam id. (EWAI I, 585-86; Bailey 1979, 345) || Alb Tosk dhenderr, Gheg dhander(r) "Schwiegersohn, Tochtermann, Brautigam" (Demiraj 1997, 159-60: pAlb *gamt£r- > *6aNtor-), besides *gm(g)ro- > OI jamarya- ? "related by marriage" (hapax in RV 4.3,9) || Gr ya\i^p6q "son-in-law", also "brother-in-law" 1, besides the late doublet (Phrygia, 4th cent. AD) yaiiepoq (Chantraine I, 208) || Lat gener id. || Bretgever id. < *gemero- (Henry 1900, 132; generally Pokomy 1959,369, 374, & 370; Mann 1984-87, 402-403). Cf. also OI jami- "related as brother or sister", vijami- "related by marriage", (lex.) jameya- "sister's son"; Av zamaoiia- "brother of daughter's husband" || Gr ya(j.eco "marry". Bailey (1979, 345) seeks the primary semantics in "payment for the bride", cf. Av zomana- "payment, wages", Sogd z'mn'k "with payment", Knot ysamtha- "payment for service, usury, interest", Pasto zoman "stipend". The same semantic motivation can be identified in Hitt wkusa- "son-in-law", SALkusa- "bride", if the stem kusa- is connected with kusata- "brideprice" and kussan- "payment" (cf. Weeks 1985, 36). 26 *Hiien$2ter- "husband's brother's wife" Olyatar- "husband's brother's wife", Pkt jauya- id., Hindi ja id., Assamese za "husband's brother's wife", Kalasha zadri, Waigali & Kati yarf, Prasun irf "co- wife", Bashkarik yel "husband's elder brother's wife" etc. (Turner 1966, # 10453); Iran *yadr-I- > Pers yarl, Isfahani ySd, PaSto yor id. (Morgenstierne, NTS 5[1932], 19; EWAIII, 410: *HinH2ter-/*HienH2ter-) || Arm ner, gen. niri "die Frauen von Briidern oder desselben Mannes" || ? Phryg (a late epitaph from Lydia) acc. lavatEpa , if it is not a carelessy written Gr form with ia- for ai-, a late spelling of e- (Neumann 1987, 36 thinks about a contamination of the Greek word with its Latin counterpart); Gr ev&Tnp "die Frau des Binders des Garten", Horn pi. Eivatepe<;, -epcov, (late inscr. from Abbaitis, Asia Minor) evaxpi (Chantraine I, 323) || Lat ianitrlces "die Ehefrau von Briidern" (-Jc- after the nomina agentis uploads/Voyage/ bazek-pie-kindship-ending-ater.pdf