Remerciez-le!

Remerciez @Admin pour avoir partagé cet document gratuitement, de la manière la plus simple, en partageant sur les réseaux sociaux.

Journal of Education & Social Policy Vol. 5, No. 2, June 2018 doi:10.30845/jesp

Journal of Education & Social Policy Vol. 5, No. 2, June 2018 doi:10.30845/jesp.v5n2p10 84 Gender Inequity in Education in Algeria: When Inequalities are Reversed Ouadah-Bedidi Zahia Université Paris Diderot- Paris 7 Unité de Recherche Migrations et Sociétés (URMIS) Institut national d’études démographiques (INED), Paris France Abstract In Algeria, education was long a privilege reserved for men. Since Algeria became independent, one of the priorities of the country has been to bring all children, regardless of sex, to school. Forty years after independence, almost all children aged 6-15 (both boys and girls) attend school, and access to upper secondary schools and universities has been opened to everyone. However, past age 16 (the limit for compulsory schooling), girls continue to study longer than boys, and have more success earning diplomas, a trend which reflects a surprising inversion of the gender imbalance in education. This phenomenon, which started in large cities and some pioneering wilayas, quickly spread to villages and diffused throughout the national territory. This is one of the major changes that has taken place in modern Algeria, the development of which must be analysed objectively, as it brings up many questions concerning its causes and effects. Keywords: Algeria, education, gender inequalities Introduction In Algeria, enrollment and education have long been privileges enjoyed by men, who have historically had higher rates of enrollment at 5-14 years, higher literacy rates as adults, higher diplomas obtained, higher levels of education by age, and so on. Until the 1990s, the indicators in every census and demographic survey pointed to this trend. However, the policy to educate all children, regardless of sex, that has been implemented in the country since its independence has had results well beyond the expected effect. Not only did free and compulsory education for children up to 16 years old quickly prove to be enough to provide basic education for all children, but once they entered the school system, girls were found to be more likely to take full advantage of their education, and continue their studies into high school and university. Since the early 2000s, this phenomenon has become increasingly evident in the records of the Ministry of Education and the National Office of Statistics (ONS) (Ouadah-Bedidi, 2004; CNES, 2006 and 2007; ONS 2006, 2009, 2010 and 2011). This imbalance between men and women in terms of educational achievements is now clearly tipped in favor of women: in high school and university, the graduation rate for girls far exceeds that of boys. This phenomenon is not specific to Algeria. Females catching up to males in secondary schools and at university had already been identified as a global trend by international agencies by the end of the 1980s (UNESCO, 1989; PNUD, 1991). In France, for example, the number of girls who earned their baccalauréat (high school diploma) had exceeded that of boys by the mid-1960s (Lévy, 1981), and the gap continued to widen in the years that followed (Baudelot and Establet, 1992; Caspard, 2007). Given Algeria's more entrenched social inequalities, one might have expected that the spread of schooling would lead to less gender inequality in education; it would have been difficult to imagine, however, these policies would lead to a complete reversal. Before examining the causes and outcomes of this phenomenon, it is necessary to begin by taking a closer look at the evolution of the gender ratio in each cycle of education: primary, secondary, and university. The aim of this article is to give as complete a picture as possible of this phenomenon. The first part will follow in detail the evolution observed at the national level, and the second part will focus on the diversity that is overshadowed by national averages, with particular emphasis on city-country contrasts and geographical disparities in educational achievement beyond the period of compulsory schooling. Finally, a third section will be devoted to the reasons that may explain Algerian girls’ unexpected rise to dominance in the field of education. ISSN 2375-0782 (Print) 2375-0790 (Online) © Center for Promoting Ideas, USA www.jespnet.com 85 I. When Gender Inequality in Education Reverses in Favor of Women Following Algeria’s independence, one of the major objectives of the Algerian government was to at once eradicate illiteracy and guarantee basic education for all children. Half a century later, this goal has almost been fully realized. Since then, inequality between the sexes has almost disappeared with regard to basic education. What was not expected, however, was the reemergence of a gender imbalance at the secondary and higher education levels – this time in favor of girls. I.1 The disappearance of illiteracy and near-universal access to primary and secondary education Since Algeria’s independence in 1962, the government policy that has been most beneficial to the improvement of the status of women has undoubtedly been the opening of universal access to education, which was made compulsory and free for children between the ages of 6 and 16i. Reaching this objective was a real challenge given the demographic situation of the 1960s. Because of its extremely rapid growth, the Algerian population was very young (47% under the age of 15 in 1966) and the number of enrollments rose rapidly until a decline in fertility eventually controlled the pace. The vast majority of the population, however, was illiterate: according to the 1966 census, 75% of people aged 10 and over could neither read nor write. This percentage was even more than 85% for women, compared to 62% for men (Table 1). Although initially, the struggle against illiteracy and the spread of "fundamental" educationii benefited men more so than women (the gap having first widened between 1966 and 1977iii before starting to close in the late 1970s), exceptional progress has been made. According to estimates by the National Economic and Social Council (CNES), in 2011 the illiteracy rate was only 15% for men and 21% for womeniv. In 2011, illiteracy had declined by more than 75%, while the difference between men and women had significantly decreased (Table 1). It should also be pointed out that although the illiteracy rate remains higher for women, it is largely because the proportion of very elderly illiterate women (too old to have benefited from this progress) is greater than that of men. Table 1. Illiteracy Rate (%) of the Population Aged 10 Years and Over in Algeria, 1966 to 2011 Men Women Total Difference (Women  Men) 1966 (1) (a) 62.3 85.4 74.6 23.1 1969 (2) (b) 51.4 80.6 29.2 1977 (1) (c) 48.2 74.3 58.1 26.1 1987 (1) (d) 30.8 56.7 43.6 25.9 1998 (1) (e) 23.7 40.3 31.9 16.6 2008 (1) (f) 15.1 28.9 22.1 13.8 2008-2009 (3) (g) 15.1 26.2 20.6 11.1 2009-2010 (3) (h) 14.8 23.8 19.2 9.0 2010-2011 (3) (i) 14.4 21.1 17.6 6.7 Relative Evolution (%) [(i)- (a)/(a) ] -77% -75% -76% -0.71 Sources: (1) Censuses (ONS, 2011). (2) Demographic Survey 1969 (CNRES, 1974): only northern Algeria. (3) Estimation of CNES; unpublished. Journal of Education & Social Policy Vol. 5, No. 2, June 2018 doi:10.30845/jesp.v5n2p10 86 Over the same period of time, enrollment rates for children aged 6 to 14 also saw tremendous growth. Whereas at that age, fewer than one child in two went to school in 1966 (57% of boys, 37% of girls), almost 92% of children are now in school, with a very small residual gap remaining between boys and girls (92.4% vs. 91.7% in 2008) (Table 2). Table 2. Enrollment rate (%) by Sex and Age in Algeria, from 1966 to 2008 Age 1966 (1) 1969 (2) 1987(3) 1998 (4) 2008 (4) Males 6 36 54.4 67.9 57.5 78.2 7 57.2 69.5 89.7 87.9 93.6 8 59.3 71.5 91.9 89.8 95 9 66.4 74 92.2 90.3 95.2 10 61.8 70.9 92.3 90.3 95.5 11 67.2 72.1 91.2 89.8 95.2 12 59.7 65.9 89.7 88.3 94.7 13 63.6 65.5 85.1 85.5 93.5 14 55.6 56.9 79.2 80.2 90.7 15 70.8 71.2 85.2 6-9 52.2 66.3 85 90.4 6-14 56.8 86.4 85.3 92.4 6-15 85 83.1 91.6 10-14 60.7 66.3 87.6 93.8 Females 6 24.8 39.6 59.4 56.3 78.2 7 41.1 49.6 77.8 85.8 93.4 8 41.3 51.1 79.6 87.3 94.8 9 47 50.9 78.6 87.3 94.9 10 41.5 47 77.1 86.5 95.1 11 44.6 46 72.5 85.4 94.7 12 36.7 39.5 70 82.2 93.7 13 36.2 35.7 63.5 77.6 91.7 14 27.5 25.8 58.1 71.5 88.8 15 52.1 63.6 82.8 6-9 36.7 47.2 73.6 90.2 6-14 36.9 70.9 80.7 91.7 6-15 69.3 78.3 90.6 10-14 37.1 39 68.4 92.6 Difference (Males - Females) 6 11.2 14.8 8.5 1.2 0 7 16.1 19.9 11.9 2.1 0.2 8 18 20.4 12.3 2.5 0.2 9 19.4 23.1 13.6 3 0.3 10 20.3 23.9 15.2 3.8 0.4 11 22.6 26.1 18.7 4.4 0.5 12 23 26.4 19.7 6.1 1 13 27.4 29.8 21.6 7.9 1.8 14 28.1 31.1 21.1 8.7 1.9 15 18.7 7.6 2.4 6-9 16.8 19.1 11.5 0.1 6-14 19.9 15.5 4.6 0.7 6-15 15.7 4.8 1 10-14 23.6 27.3 19.2 1.2 Sources: (1) 1966 censuses (CNRES, 1974); (2) 1969 Demographic Survey (CNRES, 1974); uploads/Litterature/ 10algeria-gender-education.pdf